Remarks on Change in China
to the American Management Association
Ambassador Chas W. Freeman, Jr., USFS (Ret.)
New York, New York, 11 October
2002
For most of the past three millennia, China
accounted for between 1/3 and 2/5 of the global economy. After falling to
only a fraction of that level in the mid-20th Century, the Chinese seem now to
be in the process of returning to their traditional weight in regional and
world affairs. The past two centuries have accustomed Chinese, other
Asians, and Americans to dealing with the problems presented by a poor, weak,
and divided China.
As China
grows in wealth and power and reintegration of the rest of China
with Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan
proceeds, Chinese as well as other Asians and Americans are being forced to
make difficult psychological, political, economic, and military adjustments.
Next month, a new generation will formally come to power in
China.
They will inherit a country in which income is increasingly unequally
distributed. Some areas of China
are now almost completely integrated into the world economy and enjoy living
standards approaching those of southern Europe.
Others remain isolated, poor, and much less dynamic. China
is now second only to the United
States as a
destination for foreign investment but, in investment terms,
it is several economies, not one. The economic potential of some regions
has yet to be tapped at all, suggesting that the rapid growth of China
overall as a destination for investment has every prospect of continuing.
China’s
domestic economic imbalances are a factor in allowing the country to prosper
despite trends in the global economy. They are also politically stressful.
China’s new and younger rulers -- Hu
Jintao, Wen Jiabao, and others -- will inherit a country that is
increasingly open politically and committed to the rule of law but troubled by
corruption, and discomfited by the lack of transparency in government
decision-making. Their predecessors in power have wrought a major transformation
of China
but the process of assimilating international norms of economic organization
and behavior is far from complete. The restructuring of the banking
sector and capital markets, in particular, are matters of growing
urgency. So is the erection of a social safety net, including a viable
pension system and unemployment insurance. Of special concern, China’s
implementation of WTO rules in the agricultural sector will require about 150
million peasants to leave the farm for more urban environments.
Nor is China
without foreign policy challenges. Japan’s
assertion of an independent regional security role for the first time since
World War II is one such challenge. Intra-Korean and Indo-Pakistani
dynamics are others. Most vexing to the Chinese, however, are unwelcome
instabilities in their relations with the United States.
On the one hand, US images of China
now lag well behind Chinese realities. On the other, the superficial
cordiality of Sino-American relations masks rising tensions over Taiwan’s
drift toward independence and the deepening American defense commitment to the
island. China’s
policy toward Taiwan
now combines enticements for cross-Strait economic integration and political
convergence with a military build-up premised on the need to use force against Taiwan
even if this means war with the United
States.
Such a war is not likely soon but it can no longer be ruled out in the longer
run.